By Hassan Alaoui Guerguerate is only the sinister episode of the Algerian policy of hostility towards Morocco which has been articulated for half a century in various clothes. Guerguerate is also the visible face of a huge iceberg with issues and a vision entirely turned against our monarchy, our territorial integrity, our sovereignty, our way of life and our future. In Guerguerate, she engages in a desperate operation which is to her foreign policy what Boumediene’s tragic dream was to her apocryphal relationship with Hassan II: to cut Morocco off from its African roots, to isolate it. Algeria, in addition to billions of dollars to the detriment of its people, implements everything at its disposal: cynicism, corruption, international lobbying, provocation, threats and lies. It is a military state which, on the one hand, blocks the road passage to Guerguerate and on the other supplies Mauritania with its planes, illustrating the most absolute duplicity in the eyes of the community. A dangerous game that takes place while its president, absent since October 15, impassively witnesses a “sneaking” of his power by the army, at its head Saïd Changriha. A bedridden head of state hospitalized for weeks in Germany, hateful and pathetic, he can not digest the ridiculous result of the vote for the Constitution he proposed to the Algerian people – less than 23% participation. It persists in existing even though the press and the media cannot show it, listen to it or film it. Yet, from his hospital bed, it seems, he chides and spends his time sending orders and communiques, some of them suicidal. But the reality is rather worrying: This president is absent since his departure for Germany, he was to chair a Council of government on October 15 at the Palace of Mouradia, in vain. This president is erased from the scene, nobody knows if he is there or it is only his shadow. No photo of him, no live statement, no filmed visit of his family or his collaborators… We border on derision because the scenario of silence and invisibility reminds us of Bouteflika’s last years. The diabolical focus on Morocco Observers and not the least do not hesitate to evoke a “headlong rush” by the Algerian regime, faced with a dramatic economic crisis and the radical protest against the Hirak. And the Guerguerate crisis – which is only in its umpteenth version – illustrates well the cynicism of a power at the end of its rope which has accustomed us for ages to subterfuge, to its false propaganda, to its diabolical method. to create alibis and diversion to camouflage his failures. In other words, he invents the scenario of Guerguerate to divert the attention of the Algerian people and make Morocco the scapegoat. The technique is known and the finality despised, as it is true that Machiavellianism remains the business of the Algerian military and the DRS … The international community is not fooled by this Algerian blackmail by proxy, much less the Secretary General of Nations united, Antonio Guterres who has never ceased to warn the Polisario and its sponsors against provocations and violations of the 1991 ceasefire. If his words did not echo, did not respected, the measured and targeted intervention of the FAR this Friday, November 13 was right. It gave the real measure of our forces to defend the security and sovereignty of our territory and beyond Morocco’s resolution to respect the conditions of the ceasefire signed under the aegis of the UN. The Polisario has retired, removing the theater from its ridiculous game. This time, he came up against the will of Morocco which, from a controlled impatience to a decision to fight, put an end with discernment and commitment, to the provocations of the stipendies of Algeria. Except that by putting them out of harm’s way, Morocco cut short the calculations of the Algerian government, sending it the signal that the joke is over. The background of Guerguérate In the Guerguerate affair, further illustrated by the dying gesticulations of a Polisario in full collapse for years, there is the strategy of the Algerian military power. It transcends President Tebboune and his pre-square. A certain number of unprecedented signals call out to us, including, in particular, the one relating to the organization of the commemorations of November 1, Revolution Day where we noticed, not without questions, how their protocol order was reversed, with the shadow of a General Saïd Changhria, presiding over the celebrations, behave well, dressed in civilian clothes, he who embodies the brightly colored soldier with many stars and only very rarely takes off his military attire. The least that can be said is that for the circumstance, this high-ranking officer who devotes an irascible hatred to Morocco, could have worn his uniform. The Algerian army, which has already confiscated all power and with it the historical heritage of the Algerian people, is it putting in the shade a cartoonish president called Abdelmajid Tebboune? Is it in the process of taking back the reins of power in the face of the Hirak challenge, the serious disavowal expressed during the last constitutional referendum? It is an understatement to say that a series of events have come, in recent times, to reinforce his anger: starting with the relevant Resolution 2548, adopted on October 31, by the UN Security Council, renewing the mandate MINURSO for one year, reiterating the latter’s desire to involve Algeria as a stakeholder, above all urging the Polisario to withdraw from the buffer zone and denouncing the provocations to which it is engaged in Guerguerate, requiring a population census sequestered in the camps of Tindouf … Faced with the adoption of this Resolution, the Algerian military authorities are resentful, as it illustrates a clear and clear disavowal of its strategy. The fact remains that the Algerian army has never abandoned its tactics of eroding power nor its desire to control it. She has made and defeated presidents since 1962, from Ben Bella to Tebboune, including Boumediene himself, Chadli Bendejedid, Liamine Zeroual, Bouteflika, and Tebboune of course. The army is positioned as an actor, if not the major actor of the Algerian scene and of the political system. By choosing the date of November 1 for the holding of the constitutional referendum which was – according to government propaganda – to change the life of the Algerian people and offer them reasons to hope after Bouteflika’s departure, the army believed to play on symbols. But his propaganda fizzled out, and suddenly the sense of predation of an entire heritage dominated people’s minds. In fact, the text of the new Constitution strengthens the power of the army to the point that Article 30 enshrines it as the central element of the political and social life of the country and henceforth grants it power, in addition to ensuring order. inside, to intervene outside if “the country and the Algerian revolution were to be threatened” … Many of us think that this is not a style clause, but indeed a paradigm which targets neighboring countries, including Morocco – and particularly the Sahara -, the Sahel countries, etc… When Chengriha comes out of the woods The ANP wants to restore its tarnished image for ages, it intends to carve out a Constitution suitable for its fantasies, where the mark of the generals and the DRS is printed like a coat of arms. She took over interventionism and, the very first to display her ambitions, it was naturally Saïd Chengriha who buried Gaïd Salah. The absence or the shutdown of President Tebboune encourages him to make more statements and speeches with surprising loquacity. In one of his last speeches, delivered on November 12, a few days before the umpteenth serious provocations of the Polisario in Guerguerate, the general of his state simply believed himself authorized to become “supreme leader”, calling for to “the union of all the forces of the country, to the combination of efforts to defend Algeria from the threats and dangers which lie in wait for it”. Algerian newspapers, including Al Watan, have relayed these logomachies by taking up the litany of “supreme interests” of their country, by adhering to the fantasy of “the historical enemy” on which are focused critics and violent comments, Morocco … A country that was once rich in its resources is now on the brink, at the mercy of the IMF, witnessing the loss of its treasure – oil -, seeing its financial reserves melt with less than three months of resilience, confronted with pernicious mismanagement and corruption, confused in his gratuitous hostility to Morocco, is now up to the wall. Its leaders find nothing better than to make the Kingdom of Morocco their scapegoat, perhaps even provoke an armed confrontation and focus on it the dissatisfaction of the Algerian people and divert them – according to an old proven method – from their daily problems. The Algerian people will not take long to understand how the tactic of provocations against Morocco is futile, even derisory.